Why China’s top spy agency is stepping out of the shadows

The Ministry of State Security kept a secretive presence for years, but now it is on social media and creating a more high-profile public image
It has every reason to expand its public reach, but it must be more mindful of the potential impact of its daily musings on political and economic matters

Wang Xiangwei

Published: 5:30am, 5 Feb, 2024

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Until recent years, the Ministry of State Security, China’s top spy agency, was one of the most secretive organisations in the country. For decades, the name plaque displayed at the front gate to a high-wall compound off Tiananmen Square in downtown Beijing was the only public sign of its existence even though reports suggested its real headquarters were based elsewhere.

Soon after President Xi Jinping came to power in late 2012, and particularly after he started to emphasise national security, the Ministry of State Security – which performs roles roughly equivalent to those of both the Federal Bureau of Investigation and Central Intelligence Agency – has started to step into the light.

In 2015, on the one-year anniversary of the promulgation of the Counterespionage Law, the ministry launched the hotline 12339 for residents to report suspicious activities, offering up to 500,000 yuan (US$70,000) for tips which lead to arrests. This was followed by the launch of an internet reporting platform. Still, the ministry was largely on the receiving end of information and kept its thoughts private.

In August last year, however, the ministry suddenly thrust itself into the limelight. It launched an official account on WeChat one month after the revised Counterespionage Law came into effect. Since then, it has boldly asserted itself not only on espionage matters but also on national and international topical issues ranging from China-US relations to economic subjects, including one in which it warned against badmouthing China’s economic growth prospects.

The ministry’s daily musings and the way it asserted itself in public affairs have become a source of considerable interest among China watchers and media but also raised concerns and apprehensions among investors and business owners in the country.

For instance, on Tuesday, the ministry for the first time laid out 10 conditions – mainly concerning national security, state secrets and anti-espionage law – that could lead to questioning by its agents, known in slang as “an invitation to tea”.

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Why does China’s most secretive spy agency no longer wish to remain clandestine? First, China’s leadership has shifted its focus towards national security since 2018 when US President Donald Trump launched the trade war against China. Beijing has repeatedly accused Washington of trying to contain and suppress China through its network of allies.

In his keynote speech at the 20th Communist Party national congress in 2022, Xi devoted significant time to talking about national security and social stability, highlighting “political security as our fundamental task, economic security as our foundation, military, technological, cultural and social security as important pillars and international security as a support”.

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China’s revised anti-espionage law, approved in April last year and taking effect last July, has significantly expanded the scope of activities that can be considered espionage amid a surge of raids on US-linked consultancy and due diligence firms. This has given the Ministry of State Security a perfect opportunity to make its mark in the public arena.

Second, China’s new spy chief Chen Yixin is believed to have pushed for the ministry to take a high-profile role. Chen, 64, was appointed as the state security minister in October 2022 and is regarded as a member of Xi’s inner circle. He served in various senior positions in Zhejiang province when Xi was the provincial party secretary.

Before Chen became the spy chief, he was the secretary general of the powerful Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission in charge of law and order from 2018 to 2022. Among other things, he is known as a skilful writer for distilling and propagating Xi’s thoughts.

Third, the party leadership is believed to be working on a Xi Jinping Thought on National Security, to add to the overall political doctrine, “ Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era”, which has been enshrined in both the party charter and the state constitution.

China has already announced six pillars to expand Xi’s doctrine – his thoughts on economy, diplomacy, military, environment, legal affairs and culture. Now, national security is believed to be one of several new pillars to come in the months or years ahead, and the Ministry of State Security might be intending to drum up support for the new pillar.

To be fair, the ministry is a latecomer to exploring social media to expand its public reach. The CIA launched its Twitter and Facebook accounts in June 2014. Richard Moore, the head of the UK Secret Intelligence Service also known as MI6, has a personal account on Twitter, dispensing words of wisdom and reposting government press releases.

But China’s heightened efforts to scrutinise businesses and investments with foreign connections have already made overseas investors very nervous. The ministry’s forceful comments could make them even more so.

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For instance, following China’s annual meetings on economic and financial situation late last year, the ministry put out posts blasting those people with ulterior motives who were bearish about China and “badmouthing” China’s economic growth prospects, saying all those attempts were aimed at undermining the confidence of international investors and triggering financial turmoil in China. It also said those activities posed new challenges to China’s efforts to uphold financial security.

The ministry is expected to take an active role in the formulation of national security safeguards in the economic and financial arenas. What do all these comments mean? Is the ministry trying to hint that it is prepared to go after those people who have misgivings about China’s economic policies? There are too many of them, to begin with.

The ministry has every reason to expand its public reach, but it needs to be more mindful of the potential impact of its daily musings. After all, it is a clandestine service.

Wang Xiangwei is a former editor-in-chief of the South China Morning Post. He now teaches journalism at Baptist University